Politicial Bribes

Government’s highest corruption program reaches $ 400 million in 2020



Corrupt community development grants from the federal government took another big step last year – some $ 400 million paid in political bribes, pushing CDG to nearly $ 3 billion since the racketeering began by the Abbott government in 2014.

At the current rate, CDG spending will exceed $ 5 billion on its current running schedule until 2026, when it will have played a role in buying votes in four federal elections – assuming a coalition wins the next one and she doesn’t. don’t inflate his slush of choice any further if he feels the need to.

The CDG scandal is already nearly 30 times the size of the famous #sportsrorts pork barrel, which has passed 50 times.

And CDG’s spending is even more obviously geared toward Coalition seats and fringe seats of interest than Mr. Morrison’s and Senator McKenzie’s #sportsrorts.

Under #sportsrorts, the money went to Coalition voters in a nearly 2-to-1 ratio of Labor seats – 62 percent to 32.

PM Scott Morrison tried to avoid scrutiny of his office’s involvement in Bridget McKenzie’s management of the sports grants program.

The result of the corrupt structure of CDG and its administration by Coalition politicians and their political advisers last year is a ratio of over 3 to 1 – 66% to 21.

The Coalition holds 77 seats in the House of Representatives against 68 for Labor, or 51 percent against 45.

So Coalition members gave their voters 29 percent more taxpayer money and Labor voters 53 percent less than they would have received on a purely proportional basis.

This simple calculation does not take into account the sectors of the population that might need the most, the most underfunded electorates, the projects that could do the most good and bring in the most taxpayer dollars in the community. Australian.

This is because the CDG system is specifically designed to avoid these kinds of embarrassing questions, to be beyond any investigation by the damn Auditor General or hesitation by conscientious officials.

The CDG prize pool of $ 3 billion was divided only at the discretion of the members of the government, as was the next $ 2 billion.

Organizations can only apply for a CDG if they have been pre-selected by the government. This is pretty much the only criterion.

We started covering the political sharing of the CDG billions last year, illustrating the straightforward nature of corruption.

This was through reader Vince O’Grady’s mastery of spreadsheets for pulling the GrantsConnect site lists of government grants and linking grants to voters.

Mr O’Grady has provided an update on the three-quarters scandal of last year and has now released Excel on what GrantsConnect discloses for the calendar year, worth $ 392.4 million.

The site usually takes a little while to catch up with the expense allocation, so it’s a safe bet that the final total will be over $ 400 million.

Deputy pm pacific island fruit
Deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack is the minister responsible for the CDG system.

At first glance, the 2020 split was 61% Coalition, 26% Labor Party with the balance for the six crossed seats – scandalous but not the whole story.

Big grants for secure headquarters are very rare things, so Mr. O’Grady dug deeper and found that the recipient’s zip code wasn’t necessarily where the money was spent.

For example, GrantsConnect shows an $ 11 million grant to the Labor electorate in Chifley in the western suburbs of Sydney – an extraordinary amount for a secure Labor seat.

Turns out the money was actually for an indoor sports complex in Wagga Wagga – the home of the Deputy Prime Minister and theoretically the minister responsible for CDG racket, Michael McCormack.

(Wagga was also the state seat of Gladys Berejiklian’s former close friend Daryl Maguire. It has done well thanks to state and federal grants.)

Wagga Wagga was the seat of former close friend of NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian, Daryl Maguire, while Mr. McCormack occupies the federal seat.

There is no suggestion of attempting to hide the destination of CDG funds, it is just the way the system works when the recipient organization might be headquartered elsewhere.

In the Wagga case, the CDG grant was given to Police Citizens Youth Clubs NSW Ltd, headquartered in Chifley, for its Wagga project.

Likewise, a $ 1 million grant that billed itself as being for Grayndler’s Labor seat is for the Bay Council of Canada – primarily Reid’s Liberal seat.

And a whopping $ 24.2 million in two grants for the Greens’ seat in Melbourne looks even more incredible – but $ 16.5 million was for Collingwood Football Club and the rest for National Cricket Campus and Allan Border Field in the electorate of the Brisbane LNP.

The AFL’s Collingwood Football Club received a $ 16.5 million grant under this program. Photo: Getty

In addition to grants which tend to be smaller and less common in Labor electorates, many more opposition seats than coalition seats are missing out on CDG money.

It’s no surprise – that’s how this pork barrel is designed to roll.

Of the 68 Labor seats, 39 (57 percent) did not receive a cent last year. Of the 77 Coalition seats, only 19 (25%) missed their place.

Nothing changed in the last quarter for two of Australia’s three poorest electorates – Spence in northern Adelaide and Blaxland in the western suburbs of Sydney. They remained among the seats without receiving anything.

In the seven years and $ 3 billion of the CDG scandal, GrantConnect shows that Spence received $ 200,000 and Blaxland only $ 20,000.

The exception to prove the rule is that there is an electorate that has done worse than Blaxland – the Liberal Party’s most secure metropolitan seat, Bradfield, on Sydney’s north coast.

Local member Paul Fletcher has proven to be very adept at securing multi-million dollar grants for the Murdoch Empire, but not a CDG penny for his constituents.

Bradfield was also the Liberal seat to make the least use of #sportsrorts – barely $ 2,400 for the Lindfield Tennis Club.

Well, when the two-party preferred outcome is 67 Liberals to 34 Labor, the local MP hardly needs to buy votes.

When Prime Minister Gladys Berejiklian was infamously caught with her hands in a $ 290 million pork barrel for the last New South Wales election, anything but the change of course that sank in the coalition seats , she defended herself by saying that it was not illegal.

No, it was not illegal – like CDG, lawmakers made the law to make it legal for themselves.

But he was and is corrupt. This is what politicians who use millions, millions of public money for the sole purpose of wielding power without regard for ethics or fairness, is: corruption.

The Morrison government has taken this corruption to an unprecedented level. It works and the Coalition is getting away with it – so it won’t stop.



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